Second, interactions with ministers of finance are necessary in order to align economic growth policy with health policy. Economic development need not lead to chronic disease. While the way to bring about such interactions may seem unclear and foreign to many, the economic growth analysis provided here explains how to proceed on this front. Model parameters, such as the one provided here for a neoclassical growth model, can be replicated in each country to identify what the effects will be on national economies in the scenarios of low-, medium-, and high-chronic disease growth, which is the strategy recommended by the British Wanless report for shifting treasury funding (Wanless 2002, 2004). More generally, there is a need for public health to look at how chronic disease relates to a range of social and economic dependent variables as a strategy for engaging non-health sectors. This would be relatively easy to do and may in the long run result in greater population health gains than the plethora of studies within the field that further characterize the relationships between individual risk factors and chronic diseases.
The Service Sector in Soviet Economic Growth: A Comparative Study (Harvard Economic Studies)
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The high tech sector has become a major source of economic growth fueling the U.S. economy. As an innovation leader, the high tech sector has impacted how we communicate and access information, distribute products and services, and address critical societal problems. Because this sector is the source of an increasing number of jobs, it is particularly important that the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and its stakeholders understand the emerging trends in this industry. Ensuring a sufficient supply of workers with the appropriate skills and credentials and addressing the lack of diversity among high tech workers have become central public policy concerns. This report seeks to shed more light on employment patterns in the high tech industry by providing an overview of literature as a backdrop to understanding high tech employment, and analyzing corresponding summary data from the Employer Information EEO-1 Report (EEO-1)[1] collected in 2014.
Foreign investment remained low and high-productivity sectors, such as manufacturing, stagnated, while declining resources limited the ability of public sectors to accommodate young, educated job seekers. These trends resulted in a structural shift toward the informal and low-value service sectors, which provided generally unproductive, low-wage jobs.6 Middle East employment statistics are notoriously unreliable. However, according to some estimates, by 2010, only 10 to 15 percent of the labor force in Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia, and even fewer in Iraq and Yemen, worked in the formal private sector (as distinct from the informal sector).7 At least until the recent drop in oil prices, public spending in the Gulf states remained buoyant and as many as 90 percent of economically active citizens in Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Qatar were estimated to work in the public sector.8
The advent of new economic sectors is transforming the way we think about economic development, not just in the Arab region but across the world. The Middle East and North Africa is clearly witnessing a technological revolution, which, in turn, is reshaping traditional sectors of the economy. Technology is no longer a discrete sector in and of itself but rather is an agent of change within the economy at large, affecting many sectors at an increasingly rapid pace. Two areas in particular warrant further discussion: financial services and entertainment.
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